The body code pdf free download

The body code pdf free download

The Body: The Key Concepts,The Body Code System 2.0 – Digital Only Edition

The Body Code PDF Book Details. Product details Publisher: St. Martin’s Essentials (January 3, ) Language: English Hardcover: pages ISBN ISBN About the Author of The Body Code PDF Free Download Book. Editorial Reviews About the Author Dr. Bradley Nelson is the author of The Emotion Code, an incredible breakthrough The body code pdf free download. a guest. Dec 16th, 3. Never. Not a member of Pastebin yet? (Intermediary Guidelines & Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules,, coming into Use PDF Download to do whatever you like with PDF files on the Web and regain control. The Body Code Free Pdf. Web to PDF--Convert any Web pages to high-quality PDF files while PDF The Emotion Code - blogger.comad pdf file using HTML - blogger.com Chaurasia Human Anatomy PDF Free Download [All blogger.com To Manifest Using Grabovoi Numbers ... read more

We started the chapter by considering one of the key strategies of sociological work on the body that began to make the body more central to social analysis. This strategy was one that sought to recover key sociological figures whose work was seen to engage the body, albeit in implicit or unacknowledged ways. In a similar vein Turner explores how the work of early sociologists such as George Herbert Mead had already introduced an idea of the self as constituted through symbolic interaction. This is not to say that this work is not without its problems, but rather that it started from the basis that the self is not a unified, unique self, but one that is constructed through our encounters with others.

These others are seen to reflect back to us particular ways of imagining and performing self-identity. THE MICRO AND THE MACRO Turner illustrates how variants of contemporary sociological thinking have developed this view of the self as symbolically constituted in different kinds of ways. Turner uses a distinction between the micro and the macro to differentiate work that is part of a social constructionist tradition. The concept of the micro is used to refer to work that focuses upon how this self-construction occurs on a minute level in our encounters and exchanges with others across different social contexts. Thus the sites within more microsociological work that explore this level of symbolic constitution, often focus upon the minute by minute construction of the self within particular conversational settings.

This work draws on particular kinds of methods derived from ethnomethodology, such as conversational analysis and discourse analysis see Potter and Wetherell Ethnomethodology is a tradition within sociology that explores how social contexts define and set the parameters through which particular kinds of action and interaction are made possible. It is assumed that if you want to understand the self, you need to study language as a human and cultural invention that produces the possibility of particular forms of self-identity. These microperspectives are based upon the insight that humans could only come to know their worlds through social action and negotiation. There is seen to be nothing innate or predetermined about human sense-making activity. Within these perspectives the body becomes a vehicle for the expression of self, but in most cases what is explored are the kinds of talk or accounts that subjects give in particular social contexts.

What is reified is conversational activity, and the body is somewhat submerged behind a commitment to the central role of language in constructing human understanding. These microperspectives might be referred to as weak versions of social constructionism. The concept of subjectification is linked to the work of Michel Foucault, which we will explore later in this chapter, and refers to the processes through which subjects are made, and make themselves into, particular kinds of subject. Within microperspectives or versions of weak constructionism language is the key site through which subjects are made and make themselves. Language creates and forms individual understanding. Culture is made up of a series of texts or narratives that are available as resources through which the individual makes sense of the social world. These cultural narratives are studied or accessed through individual talk that is viewed as symptomatic of these wider texts.

Despite the commitment to the body as a socially constructed body, we can clearly see how it becomes hidden or eclipsed by the focus upon language and talk. Although the tradition of social constructionism aims to overcome the problem of dualism in thinking through the body, what we end up with in microperspectives is a view of culture from the neck up. This reproduces the mind—body dualism in a more sophisticated form by inadvertently focusing upon sense-making as a cognitive activity, rather than as a thinking, bodily, felt sense. As Turner argues what we end up with, brought in through the back door, is a separation of the self from the body, and the body again disappears from analysis. In contrast to microperspectives the body is seen to play a more central role within macroperspectives united within the tradition of social constructionism.

In constrast we might refer to these macroperspectives as strong versions of constructionism that are concerned with the relationship between bodies and power. Macroperspectives are aligned with work that has had a prominent place within sociology but that may not necessarily have been explicitly examined for the kind of body it was bringing into social analysis. One of the key proponents of a view of the body as a socially constructed body, integral to macroperspectives, is the French post-structuralist philosopher, Michel Foucault. As Turner argues, in the work of Foucault, we see a central commitment to a view of the human body as an effect of power and discourse. Now, the collection of work that Foucault produced throughout his life is vast, and shifted and changed from his earlier work on the disciplining of the body through to his later work on self-production contained within the three published volumes of The History of Sexuality.

There are many useful and accessible introductions to the work of Michel Foucault that are available as secondary reviews of this literature see the Annotated Guide for Further Reading for outlines. I would recommend that one of these texts is consulted to develop a more engaged understanding of the key concepts that I will outline in the next section to help you understand how he analysed the body as a constructed body. Foucault called the type of power that he was illustrating disciplinary power. We often think of power as operating in a repressive or prohibitive mode, preventing and constraining action. Power is taken to act upon us, so that freedom, or liberation, is often presented as an over-turning or an over-throwing of power see Rose Foucault turns this formulation of power on its head, and argues that contrary to our most held or cherished beliefs, power works on and through our actions making possible certain ways of being and doing.

He used the concepts of positivity and productivity to describe the role power plays in producing our becoming. Disciplinary power is therefore a form of power that does not prohibit or constrain. This is achieved not through imposition but rather through their inculcation into particular body techniques and practices. The use of the term inculcation as opposed to imposition is to stress that if one is inculcated into a set of practices one has to actually actively participate. Although Foucault was keen to stress how disciplinary power works through the acceptance and active participation of its subjects, he did focus upon a particular institutional context to illustrate his claims. He argued that disciplinary power works most effectively in hierarchical institutions, such as the prison system, where prisoners are living under detailed and often total surveillance.

In the context of the prison system, for example, he argued that there are a range of techniques employed that work by transforming the bodies and souls of prisoners. The general form of an apparatus intended to render individuals docile and useful. By means of precise work upon their bodies, indicated the prison institution, before the law ever defined it as the penalty par excellence. Rabinow The concept of the docile or disciplined body has been taken up in many studies of the body across social theory and feminist work. It is seen to be useful as it presents the body as malleable, as an unfinished entity that can be sculpted, moulded, altered and transformed. It also draws attention to the ways in which social norms can become internalized and operate through our own self-forming and self-regulating practices.

It also draws our attention to how these practices can become engrained and embodied in such a way that they appear automatic and natural. Foucault rejected the idea of a universal self, arguing that our practices, habits, desires and beliefs are produced, and are not simply the expression of a pre-existing self. Power is therefore constitutive rather than repressive. This work is very close to the model of cultural inscription that, as we have seen, has historically been centrally important Case Study Susan Bordo and Sandra Lee Bartky have provided illuminating Foucaudian analyses of eating disorders, and particularly of how we might understand the high incidences of anorexia nervosa amongst young women. Eating disorders within the psychological and biomedical sciences are viewed as pathologies. In the case of eating disorders they are considered symptoms of illness, although there remains speculation over whether the illnesses are psychological, physical or some kind of amalgamation of the two.

Both Bordo and Bartky reject the concept of pathology for explaining the incidence of eating disorders amongst women, and instead link femininity and eating disorders through a notion of the disciplined or docile body. They focus upon practices that they both argue have been aligned with femininity to how the discipline of sociology defined its project. The ramifications of some of the concepts that Foucault developed have been far-reaching. They have been appropriated by critical psychologists Blackman and Walkerdine ; Rose , , ; Hook , postcolonial writers Ahmed , ; Bhabha , feminist scholars Bordo ; Bartky ; McNay and others across the humanities who have rejected the essentialism of the naturalistic body and turned instead to a socially constructed body.

However, this work is not without its critique, and although providing a platform for the reinvigoration of work on the body within social theory, has also brought with it a number of problems and paradoxes. These problems and paradoxes form a thread through some of the work that we will explore in later chapters. The body is stimulated into being, rather than repressed by brute force so that its physicality or materiality becomes the raw material for cultural processes to take hold. Again, we end up with a dualism between the body and mind, albeit in approaches that privilege social processes as determining the thinking body. As Woodward argues, Case study through cultural representation. They argue that the anorexic body is simply an exaggeration of these so-called normal feminine practices in the pursuit of a perfect, slender body. It is not that we can distinguish practices of femininity and those of the anorexic through a differentiation between the normal and the pathological.

regulated and regulating bodies 27 28 the body: the key concepts once the body is contained within modern disciplinary powers, it is the mind, which takes over as the location for discursive power. Consequently, the body tends to become inert mass controlled by discourses centered on the mind which is treated as if abstracted from an active human body. Woodward 79 AGENCY AND THE BODY This touches on one of the main critiques of the socially constructed body that have become a platform for more recent work on the body across social and cultural theory. It also takes us back to some of the problems with the early sociological work that brought to the fore the role of social structures in the formation of human subjectivities.

Within this work, there is little sense, then, of how bodies might protest, speak back or simply refuse to participate in the workings of disciplinary power. There is assumed to be a tight fit between what is often termed the social body — that is, the body that is constructed within ideological and social processes — and the physical body. The social body is seen to mesh tightly with the physical body to the extent that they are seen to be copies or mirrors of each other. Because of the homology assumed within the literature a problem is set up: how to theorize agency? For many scholars the move to this body as an alternative to the naturalistic body is a move from one form of determinism, essentialism, to another: discourse or social determinism, which is seen by many to be a more sophisticated form of essentialism.

Let us consider the following quotation from Diana Fuss that brings together some of the key problems that centre on the problem of agency presented by the socially constructed body: [It is] articulated in opposition to essentialism and concerned with its philosophical refutation and insists that essence is itself a historical construction. Constructionists take the refusal of essence as the inaugural moment of their own projects and proceed to demonstrate the way previously assumed selfevident kinds are in fact the effect of complicated discursive practices. What is at stake for a constructionist are systems of representations, social and material practices, laws of discourses and ideological effects.

We have explored the historical antecedents of this opposition in relation to the project of sociology throughout this chapter. One form of determinism is replaced by another, with the question of the materiality or corporeality of the body sidelined by constructionism in its rejection of biological reductionism. The body and its biological potentialities are foreclosed. Naturalism and social constructionism, as Shilling makes clear, are therefore opposing forces linked by reductionism. Towards the end of this chapter we will consider a contemporary study within sociology on sleep that has attempted to do just this Williams What I want to do in the next section, however, is focus upon another critique of the tradition of the socially constructed body that relates to the assumption of the body as inert mass.

Prisoners, for example, are exposed to practices that work through repetition, with the intention that individuals take on the responsibility for monitoring and regulating themselves. Similarly, in the case study on eating disorders, women are seen to be continually invited to judge and evaluate themselves in relation to normative feminine ideals. Bartky and Bordo argued that women are exposed to cultural ideals and regulatory regulated and regulating bodies 29 30 the body: the key concepts images of the female body that are repeated across a diverse range of practices.

The somatically felt body has aliveness or vitality that is literally felt or sensed but cannot necessarily be articulated, reduced to physiological processes or to the effect of social structures. The study I am going to refer to is one carried out by a historian who is examining some of the paradoxes raised by his own experience of taking part in military drills in the army. I want to start by quoting in length from the study, which introduces a concept of muscular bonding to refer to the kinds of affective or emotional experience that are often produced when people move together rhythmically in time. This might be in forms of dance or in the example that the author gives of moving the muscles rhythmically in army drill. Marching aimlessly about on the drill field, swaggering in conformity with prescribed military postures, conscious only of keeping in step so as to make the next move correctly and in time somehow felt good. Words are inadequate to describe the emotion aroused by the prolonged movement in unison that drilling involved.

A sense of pervasive well-being is what I recall; more specifically, a strange sense of personal enlargement; a sort of swelling out, becoming bigger than life, thanks to participation in collective ritual. McNeill 2 This example suggests that one of the aspects of corporeality that bind people together is a sense of cohesion which is experienced through the body as an expansive feeling. One such evaluation of these states was made by a famous British psychiatrist, William Sargeant , who was motivated by a fascination with religion and phenomena that, in the cultures he studied, were experienced as signs of a divine, sacred world. People experienced these states as spontaneous experiences of being possessed or taken over by spirits. This experience of possession was felt in and through their bodies in a range of sensory modalities including motor dissociation, contortions and tics, trembling, tingling in the hands and other body parts, catatonia, fainting, trances, stupor, collapse and feelings of heat, lightness, heaviness and so on and so forth.

Sargeant drew parallels with political techniques of conversion in his preoccupations with Communist, Fascist and Nazi revolutions across Europe, and argued that conversion, both religious and political, could be explained by a physiological mechanism, an abreactive reaction of the brain, brought about by rhythmic and repetitive behaviour This is a reductive explanation typical of the kind of biologically essentialist approach that we explored in relation to the naturalistic body. It is assumed that these experiences can be explained solely by a physiological mechanism in the brain abreaction. He dismisses the practices that he examines by aligning them to primitivism and therefore argues that they have little to tell us about practices that exist in Western cultures that he does not consider exceptional or abnormal. He charts its importance in animal societies, in the community binding festivals of dance in small communities, in religious ceremonies and in politics and war.

Hitler mobilized the use of marching and other forms of repetitive drill on a grand scale in the huge rallies, such as the Nuremburg rally, that were filmed by the German artist Leni Riefenstahl and used as propaganda. These films are now available for viewing and provide a disturbing account of the role of muscular bonding in politics and war. He suggests, then, that we have not been keen to explore this gestural, regulated and regulating bodies 31 32 the body: the key concepts muscular level of communication, preferring to see it as an abnormal or pathological phenomenon that occurs in what are deemed to be more primitive societies, or in those who are seen to have lost their will and submitted to the will of a charismatic leader — in those, in other words, who have lost the capacity for rationality and subsequently become defined by their bodies.

This mind—body dualism, as we will see throughout the book, is entrenched and makes an appearance in many guises. However, although not wanting to reduce the affective glue that might bind people together to muscular bonding, it is a concept that introduces an aliveness or viscerality into the body. It is not just inert mass, but reacts back, responds, often at a level that is felt through the body but might not easily be open to articulation. One of the problems of cultural inscription or the socially constructed body is precisely the way in which the body is viewed as passively written upon and does not seem to have any energy or creative motion. As many people are now arguing, the body that needs to be brought into social and cultural theory must be one that is also enhanced, modified and managed through a recognition of the importance of a register of feeling, affect and emotion Tamborinino ; Thrift We will discuss these arguments in more detail in Chapter 2.

As we can see, then, ironically the move to social determinism further displaces a sense of exactly what kind of body we want to make central to sociology and social theory. These are the tensions and paradoxes with which the range of studies, traditions and perspectives that we will review in later chapters of the book are trying to grapple. As Megan Brown argues, sleep has literally become big business in modern corporate culture, with many work organizations turning increasingly to a burgeoning array of sleep consultants to improve the well-being and productivity of their workers.

Brown reviews the huge range of self-help books, newspaper reports, magazine articles, workshops and consultants who offer advice and practices in this micromanagement of sleep. As Brown and Williams both discuss, sleep has increasingly become medicalized with a whole branch of medical science devoted to sleep pathologies and disorders. This branch of science, which intersects with the psychological sciences, also produces a vast array of knowledge and practices on sleep hygiene that has culminated in what Williams refers to as a sleep industry, which is itself supported by the pharmaceutical industry and is based upon the measurement, classification and diagnosis of sleep, as well as the provision of a range of practices and prescription hypnotics to address what are being identified as a range of new sleep pathologies and disorders.

The discourses produced by this industry include the identification of both the benefits of sleep and the dangers of sleep deprivation. She identifies the parallel between the medicalization of the human body that is integral to sleep medicine and the potential for its micromanagement by employers and employees. What does it mean, then, that a so-called basic bodily need for sleep can be micromanaged in order to optimize performance and productivity in the workplace? Williams and Brown both allude to the way in which sleep is often viewed as one of the most private, intimate and personal activities that we carry out. Sleep is often assumed to be asocial or non-social and therefore to be of little or no concern to sociologists and social theorists.

It has been neglected by sociology, and, as Williams testifies, there is little in the discipline to address this complex practice. As we have seen, the practice of sleep, or the sleeping body, is dominated by medical science, although the institutional and social patterning of sleep is becoming a concern for corporate management. Williams relates his aim to make the sleeping body a central concern for sociology part of a broader question of what kind of body we wish to bring back into social theory and how. He suggests that the sleeping body is important as it lies between a number of dualisms that social theory is attempting to think against. These include the voluntary and the involuntary, the purposive and the non-purposive, the personal and the impersonal, the biological and the social and the universal and the specific Williams 4. It is a complex practice that cannot simply be equated with closing our eyes.

What kind of body, therefore, is Williams suggesting is important for social theory in his consideration of sleep as a complex practice? This is the body that is the norm within medical science, which devotes itself to those who find it difficult to sleep, or whose sleep is interrupted due to disorders such as sleep apnea. He shows how sleep difficulties have a long history that can be charted throughout literature, for example, and reveal the complex practices that have been adopted to resolve such difficulties. These include praying, dream interpretation, music, meditation and acupuncture. He also illustrates how the sleeping body cannot be determined by biological rhythms by exploring the radically different ways that sleep has been organized and institutionalized throughout history. Sleep exhibits a wide variability when we compare the varying ways in which it has been arranged, problematized and organized.

The historical organization and patterning of sleep is an important barometer of the shift and change towards the idea of the separated body that was mirrored through the emerging practice of segmented sleep. This introduced strict boundaries between the self and other that were institutionalized through new practices of sleeping in private quarters away from animals and non-intimate others. It came increasingly to signify social status, power relations and privilege, for example. This is a perspective that would go beyond viewing sleep solely as a biological or physical process yet at the same time does not dismiss the contribution of the materiality of the body to its social patterning and modification.

The contribution of the kind of body that Williams seeks to bring back into sociology and social theory is a body that shows how the distinction between nature and culture is in practice impossible to untangle. Nature and culture are not two separate distinct entities, but rather exist in a complex relationality that is contingent and mutable. Within this perspective, which starts from a rejection of separation and dualism, the sleeping body is a body that is never defined solely by physical needs, nor is it separate from the complex processes that we might define as social, cultural, economic and so forth.

As Turner suggests, this is a view of biology as a socially mediated phenomenon. The work of Williams goes someway towards both introducing subject matter into social theory and sociology that has historically become the province of the natural and biological sciences. It also makes important moves towards rejecting the idea that nature and culture, for example, exist as separate entities that somehow interact. Rather, they produce each other in such a way that it is impossible to disentangle one from another. We will explore in later chapters many different perspectives that also start from this position and introduce different concepts for thinking through the complex relationality that the body presents for social theory. Conclusion Within this introduction to body concepts within sociology you will now be more familiar with some of the issues and debates in relation to which the body is defined. As you will also be aware, when we talk about the body, or call for its reappraisal, it is never a singular body.

The very notion of a separate, singular body is itself a historical construction that is part and parcel of the problems of thinking through the body for social theory. When, in the s, sociology and social theory began to make the body more explicit and to bring to the foreground what had been lying dormant in the background, it also brought with it a number of key concepts that we will be exploring throughout the book. These include some that we have touched on in this chapter: embodiment, corporeality, affect, emotion, materiality, discipline, process, practice and technique.

These should now be more familiar to you, and will appear in different ways throughout the chapters ahead. Thus, as many sociology scholars have argued, the body is central to many of the paradoxes that govern sociological thought; the question still remains what kind of body or bodies will enable us to think through these paradoxes in new and exciting ways. We will begin this reflection in Chapter 2 by exploring how the concept of embodiment is a distinctly different paradigm to the concept of social influence. As we saw, this perspective refuses the idea that the biological and social, the natural and the cultural, exist as separate entities. Embodied perspectives start from the position that nature and culture are not separate, pre-existing entities.

If we have this as our point of origin we do not have to explain how these two entities come together or influence each other. In contrast, the concept of social influence assumes precisely the existence of separate realms that somehow interact. In fact, it sets up some of the very paradoxes and tensions that sociologists of the body have been trying to overcome and avoid. The natural is seen as a biological base upon which social influences processes can only take hold in very specific ways. We encountered this approach to the biological in the Chapter 1 in the section that explored the emergence of the naturalistic body.

SOCIAL INFLUENCE The concept of social influence brings into being both a concept of the naturalistic body and a conception of the social that refers to those processes most likely to influence the biological in a fairly peripheral fashion. As we have seen, it is not just that the natural and the cultural or the biological and the social are separate but that, usually, the natural is taken to refer to a realm that is more fixed, and the cultural 38 the body: the key concepts to a realm that is subject to change. Thus, the concept of social influence assumes a particular conceptualization of the body and its social environment. That is, that the natural body refers to a more fixed realm made up of a static, invariant set of characteristics that predispose persons to particular forms of thought, behaviour and conduct. The social is seen to refer to a realm of cultural processes that are more fluid and contingent.

This is explored in the case study presented here in a little more detail, so that it is clear how the concept of social influence is taken to operate. BECOMING HORSE—HUMAN One of the key focuses of this chapter will be on the extraordinary, the apparently inexplicable, the anomalous, and work that tends to be kept in the background as it threatens some of the implicit and often explicit formulations of the body that have entered social theory from the paradigm of social influence. This distorted relationship is re-educated through engaging in various techniques of self-production and transformation with the help psychic abilities. Hans the horse was owned by a Russian aristocrat Wilhelm Von Osten who firmly believed that animals possessed an equal capacity for intelligence with humans.

On this basis he attempted to teach a cat, horse and a bear to do simple arithmetic. It seems that with Hans the horse Von Osten had found a test case for his theory. Hans appeared to be able to solve fairly complex multiplication puzzles by stamping his hooves. It is no surprise that this experiment was revisited as it presents some startling claims for horse—human relationships. Although, as we saw in the Introduction, work on the body within sociology has begun to explore horse—human relationships in novel and exciting ways Game , the idea that a horse could solve arithmetic and even tell the time threatened prevailing psychological theories about intelligence and cognition.

Hans became a test case in experimental psychology for the problem of social influence. As we have seen, within sociology and social theory the problem of social influence is seen to be one that sets up a separation and distinction between nature and culture and the biological and the social. Within experimental psychology social influence is often conceived as a kind of bias or error. One example of this, to which the study of Hans the horse has been linked, is the idea of an experimental effect. This concept is used to refer to experimental artefacts that are seen to be artificially produced by the experiment.

Many psychological experiments are therefore said to Case Study of cultural intermediaries of course. We explored such an approach in Chapter 1. This does not make a claim that we can clearly identify and know what might be natural if only women were able to separate themselves from the workings of power and ideology. This might seem a moot point but it is crucial to work in a more embodied perspective that does not make grand claims about what is natural and what is cultural. This will become clearer as the chapter progresses.

This introduces a selfserving bias or error into the experiment. The problem of social influence conceived in this way has led experimental psychology to frame its study through a concern with how to eliminate or eradicate so-called experimental bias Rosenthal Although this is one way that the study of Hans has been discussed and framed within experimental psychology, it also raises some interesting questions for how and what kind of body we might seek to introduce within sociology and social theory. The work of the French philosopher Vinciane Despret b is useful as she considers the case of Hans the horse in the context of what it might mean for social theory to consider and analyse the concept of becoming. We encountered this concept in the Introduction within another examination of horse—human relationships. The concept was used to refer to the ways in which the relationship between KP the horse and its owner was not one of separation but rather a mutual relationality that produced the possibility of their attunement with each other Game The concept of becoming, like the paradigm of embodiment, refuses the idea of separation; in this case, between the self and other: human and non-human.

Pfungst had reconsidered the conclusions of the Berlin Psychological Institute in and had come to some rather different conclusions about the relationship between Mr Von Osten and his horse Hans. These were published in his book, first translated into English in , Clever Hans: The Horse of Mr Von Osten. In this book Pfungst comes to some rather different conclusions about the relationship between Mr Von Osten and his horse Hans. He argued that Hans was indeed clever, but that this cleverness was not linked to an exceptional ability to solve arithmetic. Rather, the horse was able to read subtle, minimal bodily clues given by Mr Von Osten that he was not aware he was communicating.

In other words, it was not that Mr Von Osten was deliberately attempting to deceive the experimental community as he was not aware of the communication that was happening between himself and Hans. She argues that this shows the limits of models of social influence that rely upon a clear and distinct separation between entities: self and other, horse and human. The capacity of horse and human to become together brings into existence different conceptualizations of the body that do not rely either on singularity or separation. These concepts need a different paradigm to social influence in order to explore this interconnection or intersection. This area of research is usually known as the study of non-verbal communication or body language.

Within this tradition, the study of the body is central and not displaced by a focus upon cognition. Indeed, non-verbal communication refers to the realm of communication that happens beyond language and conscious deliberation or reflection. However, as we will see, within traditional studies of body language that originate within the psychological sciences the body enters in a very particular way. If we turn, therefore, to the psychological sciences, exactly what kind of body is taken to communicate non-verbally? RAW Paste Data Copied. Public Pastes. JSON 10 min ago 7. JSON 10 min ago 8. Bash 50 min ago 0. Java 52 min ago 1. Java 1 hour ago 4. Java 1 hour ago 6. Lua 1 hour ago We use cookies for various purposes including analytics. For more than 35 years, The Anatomy Coloring Book has been the 1 best-selling human anatomy coloring book! A useful tool for anyone with an interest in learning anatomical structures, this concisely written text features precise, extraordinary hand-drawn figures that were crafted especially for easy coloring and interactive study.

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This content was uploaded by our users and we assume good faith they have the permission to share this book. If you own the copyright to this book and it is wrongfully on our website, we offer a simple DMCA procedure to remove your content from our site. Start by pressing the button below! Home Add Document Sign In Register. The Body: The Key Concepts Home The Body: The Key Concepts. THE BODY The Key Concepts ISSN The series aims to cover the core disciplines and the key cross-disciplinary Author: Lisa Blackman. DOWNLOAD PDF. THE BODY The Key Concepts ISSN The series aims to cover the core disciplines and the key cross-disciplinary ideas across the Humanities and Social Sciences. Each book isolates the key concepts to map out the theoretical terrain across a specific subject or idea. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means without the written permission of Berg. Berg is the imprint of Oxford International Publishers Ltd.

ISBN cloth ISBN cloth ISBN pbk. ISBN pbk. Body, Human—Social aspects. Body, Human—Philosophy. Body image—Social aspects. Human physiology. Identity Psychology I. B55 Rose, The Politics of Life Itself: Biomedicine, Power and Subjectivity in the 21st Century Is their anything natural about the human body? Is this still a viable concept for organizing, examining and reflecting upon the body as an object of study within the humanities? What can be said to be distinctly human about the body, and how do we make such differentiations? How might motivations and methods for studying the body differ when we compare approaches within the humanities to the life, biological and psychological sciences? She argues that the body is not bounded by the skin, where we understand the skin to be a kind of container for the self, but rather our bodies always extend and connect to other bodies, human and non-human, to practices, techniques, technologies and objects which produce different kinds of bodies and different ways, arguably, of enacting what it means to be human.

The idea of the body as simply something that we both have and are is displaced in this perspective as the focus shifts to what bodies can do, what bodies could become, what practices enable and coordinate the doing of particular kinds of bodies, and what this makes possible in terms of our approach to questions about life, humanness, culture, power, technology and subjectivity. These are some of the themes we will explore throughout the book and which radically refigure the idea of the body as substance or entity and even as distinctly human. We are confronted with new ways of making and re-making bodies.

The singular, bounded, carbon-based body is being replaced by the proliferation and emergence of technologies and practices which enable the enhancement, alteration and invention of new bodies. Some appear mundane and have become a largely accepted way of living and acting upon our selves and others. These include practices of body modification and enhancement such as cosmetic surgery, gender reassignment surgery and in vitro fertilization. The more far reaching are biotechnological practices which are challenging the concept of what we understand life, the natural and humanness to mean. Their interventions, it is argued, have the potential to improve selfhood, vitality, health and lifestyle. These technologies, the mundane, speculative and challenging are not without controversy. The technique of oocyte cryopreservation has challenged conceptions of fertility and womanhood, by creating the possibility for post-menopausal women to give birth to genetically related offspring well into their fifties or sixties Watkins How do these reformulations of what we understand bodies to be and do reinvent questions and concepts that have been central to sociological, anthropological, psychological and cultural theorizing?

These include the question of how power operates in relation to personhood, what the relationships are between technologies and identities, the extent to which bodies can be said to be material, social, ideological or cultural, for example, and how we might understand these terms. If the body is not simply a natural body, the rightful province of the life and biological sciences, then how can bodies be examined and interrogated through frameworks that have been understood as more social or cultural? However, sociology of the body has become an accepted tradition within sociological studies; it has formed the basis of new methods and concepts for examining the corporeality of the social and the sociality of corporeality. It also provides a link to questions, methods and concepts mobilized across cultural theory, critical psychology, science studies, anthropology and related perspectives.

This book will engage with that central question, and the call from many disciplines to re-embody theory by exploring how different perspectives allow us to approach this question in countless different ways. This gesture towards the interplay of biological, physical and social processes may not seem so radical in the context of how we might embody our own sense of subjectivity. For example, we may feel that of course our sense of who we are is an amalgam of our physicality, biological processes and our place and position as particular kinds of social subject. However, we will see that the question of how to bring the biological and physical together with the social is not merely linked to the recognition of this intersection.

Indeed this assumption of separation is one that historically has underpinned the development of the kinds of disciplinary specialization that have led to a split between the natural and human sciences. Sociology, for example, was framed by some of the early founding figures of the discipline as an examination of social reproduction: of how ideas, beliefs, practices, traditions and so forth are reproduced in such a way that they appear uniform and become part of the social fabric. Sociology took as its object what was considered social about the ties and obligations that bind individuals and groups to each other. This assumed a separation between the biological and the social that was reproduced in the differentiation between the natural and human sciences, with the former focusing upon what was taken to be distinctly biological about what it means to be human.

As we will see, this question of what disciplines can rightfully claim as their object and subject matter is central to exactly what we might mean within the humanities when we call for the body to be taken seriously. One of the focuses of this book will be on the various ways in which humanities scholars have attempted introduction 3 4 the body: the key concepts to bridge this schism and produce work that starts from the assumption that, if we are to work towards adequately re-embodying social and cultural theorizing, this split and separation is part of the challenge. THE PROBLEM OF DUALISM One of the key splits or separations that have been reproduced in different ways across the natural and human sciences is the mind—body dualism. We will encounter this dualism and its revision and rethinking in different ways throughout the chapters that make up this book.

However, let us start by considering what is meant by the concept of dualism, and how it might elaborate the relationship between the mind and body. The mind is often used to refer to and make possible those processes that allow us to think, reason, argue, reflect, debate and write. The latter processes are largely viewed as involuntary. This mind—body dualism is also often known as Cartesian dualism with reference to the writings of the seventeenth-century philosopher, René Descartes. Descartes argued that rationality was the key determinant of human existence. For example, we can already see how another dualism maps onto the separation of mind and body; the idea that the mind is subject to voluntary control, usually characterized as will, and the body is subject to laws which govern and regulate processes which do not require conscious effort or attention.

This distinction between what is taken to be involuntary and therefore fixed , and what is taken to be voluntary and therefore subject to change produces the mind and body as distinct entities. The mind is the location of thought and the body the location of a fixed set of physiological processes. But of course that is not all there is to say. Perhaps after expending a lot of time trying to work through a problem, you may have given up and fallen asleep, only to awake with a solution. The author refers to this manner of problem-solving as a magical Aha experience, and relates it to a mysterious place which is located within the unconscious. Although cognition is largely viewed as voluntary, this example introduces a reformulation of thought as being both conscious and unconscious. The boundaries between what is voluntary and involuntary now start to appear less certain, more shaky and more difficult to differentiate and distinguish.

This example, which could be extended to other very commonplace experiences, such as feeling moved by a film but finding it difficult to say why, capture some of the tensions which studies of the body are making visible, in particular the idea that the body is the container of a fixed set of physical processes, and that the mind is more fluid and subject to cultural influence. Although this recognizes how the mind, at least, is not fixed and exists within a cultural milieu that shapes cognition, the body is closed off from cultural analysis and seems to have nothing to offer to the disciplines of sociology, cultural studies, critical psychology and allied perspectives. THE PROBLEM OF THE BODY AS SUBSTANCE We can also interrogate this dualism further in the context of academic study.

The exercise of rationality is often aligned with those practices linked to academic study, where the academic project is often viewed as a work of thought. This presumes that thinking primarily takes place independently of the body. I am sitting here writing this introduction, you are reading it, perhaps hoping that you will be able to make better sense of what can be a confusing field of study. We all have bodies; this is the commonsense response to what is often seen as the relegation of the body to the work of thought. Whilst writing this I am aware of my posture, of how I embody the movement of my fingers on the keyboard through my musculature and my skeleton. You might be aware of your digestion, your respiration, your nervous system, or at least your focus of attention might now have shifted to these processes which continue, often beyond your conscious awareness.

Is this the body which we wish to include in social and cultural theory? We also need to move beyond thinking of bodies as substances, as special kinds of thing or entities, to explore bodies as sites of potentiality, process and practice. We also need to be mindful of what happens to our views of bodies if we continue with the tradition that would locate reflection and reason within the mind. What happens to the body within these formulations? What do we make of the view that many great philosophers who located thought within the mind, as distinct from the body, suffered from bodily infirmities and diseases which helped to produce an omnipotent fantasy that the body could be overcome or even dispensed with? But the body does matter introduction 5 6 the body: the key concepts and as we will see throughout this book, it is taken to matter in countless different ways.

One way the body matters that I have already alluded to is in the writing and reading process itself. When we write or read we take up particular bodily orientations; posture, musculature, breathing, and certain habits or dispositions. We do not simply think, but relate to the keyboard or book through particular bodily dispositions and practices. These might appear to be automatic or involuntary, but, nevertheless, the body is never simply left behind within academic study. Although I might be recognizing the contribution of the body to the process of thought, the body is itself assumed to be almost machine-like in its formulation. That is, that the body is a mere physical substance that, although a silent presence in thought, can, through an act of will or recognition, be attended to so that it is not taken for granted.

We can all become more aware of that which is often distorted or forgotten as we go about our daily lives. This is yet another variant of the mind over matter argument that always elevates the mind and thinking to that which is superior, in relation to a conception of the body that tends towards its formulation as a physico-chemical adjunct to thought. This dualism is insidious and rather difficult to think against, and it appears in different ways across the humanities. One way that should be familiar to most readers of this book is in work of transdisciplinary relevance that has taken as its focus the role of cultural symbols and codes in the formation of identities. This work has often come out of semiotic, or what are often referred to as social constructionist, traditions see Chapter 1.

Within these traditions, if we want to analyse the role of social and cultural processes in our formation, then the obvious route is to explore the different interpretations that we might give in response to particular events in our lives. This is the site of culture as it intersects with our sense-making activity. Our bodies are there, for sure, they may register our anger, our surprise, our joy, our hurt, our pain or our suffering. However, they are merely containers for experiences, which are a product of the ways in which we use particular cultural narratives and interpretations to make sense of our lives. Culture is about sense-making. Although the sense in sense-making might make us think of a more sensient body it is generally linked to interpretation, to judgement and ultimately to the work of thought.

We are back with culture from the neck up, as a famous scholar once said, and the body seems to have disappeared again, or at least to merely be an absent presence. I have tried to give fairly commonplace examples that most of you will be familiar with, and to begin the work of unsettling many of the presumptions that you will live and embody in your own lives.

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Now, the collection of work that Foucault produced throughout his life is vast, and shifted and changed from his earlier work on the disciplining of the body through to his later work on self-production contained within the three published volumes of The History of Sexuality. This failure to recognize means that we deny the emotional and affective connections that sustain our sense of subjectivity. Similarly, in the case study on eating disorders, women are seen to be continually invited to judge and evaluate themselves in relation to normative feminine ideals. Sleep exhibits a wide variability when we compare the varying ways in which it has been arranged, problematized and organized. However, these processes are effective for Durkheim because they change or transform human subjects. THE PROBLEM OF DUALISM One of the key splits or separations that have been reproduced in different ways across the natural and human sciences is the mind—body dualism. Clinical Neuroanatomy by Vishram Singh.

She resurrects theories that have now been discounted that worked with two concepts: proportionality and relationality. OK, I Understand. The body code pdf free download Free PDF. Thus, as many sociology scholars have argued, the body is central to many of the paradoxes that govern sociological thought; the question still remains what kind of body or bodies will enable us to think through these paradoxes in new and exciting ways. Dec 16th,